7.2.11

Assange - behind the headlines



So it was a tense day at Belmarsh Magistrates Court and what - ironically - sets this case apart from the majority heard here - the 'defendant' has not actually been charged with any offence or been proven to have done anything wrong (other than upsest a string of international authorities and corporations by facilitating the publication of their seemingly inappropriate or illegal activities).

So the case for the prosecution ( not that it is actually a case for the prosecution in that they do not have a criminal charged or the authority to act in relation to one ) is that Sweden has asked - without charge or trial - for the extradition of Assange so they can question him about a sexual encounter that was not of a nature that they could immediately invoke legal measures - in other words, the Swedish authorities want to ask him some questions about certain allegations(which he has offered to answer and this begs the real question as to why they need the posturing of an arrest warrant for). Geoffrey Robertson is defending and Assange could not have anyone better in his court but beyond Assange this case is a test for the whole spectre and point/effectiveness of the European Arrest Warrant - aimed to catch terrorists it has so far not proved itself an effective measure to capture and contain terrorists but it has been used to snare Assange who had - as one may recall - voluntarily gone to a police station....

So there has been plenty of analysis about the law and the merits - or lack thereof -of the Euroepan Arrest Warrant - and we have the case for the defence online

While there is much to debate over the legal or procedural niceities of this case the bottom line IS THIS:

He controls a website and publishes material he receives via this website

He has not hacked into or infiltrated numerous governments or corporations - he HAS received very interesting documents from those who may have worked at various government or corporate establishments.

He/his organisation do disseminate material that could be deemed condfidential.

HOWEVER:
Assange and the Wikileaks team would have neither content nor outlet were it not for the suppliers of the information they have BUT therein lies the trick - it is those who leak or expose who are falling foul of the law and breaching confidentiality or other contractual provisions. So while the US and Swedish authorities are desperately seeking to extradite and make Assange 'go away'- he and his colleagues (who will still be there no matter what happens to him) - and the Wikileaks phenomenon is here to stay.

The Law:
IF the material he has is truly objectionable (which it is) then one needs to look at where it comes from - all Wikileaks does is ditsribute content that is fed to it and as such is not responsible for 'leaking' or otherwise faking any content. So if someone wanted to prevent publication they would need to go to court and persuade a judge that what was going to be published was in some way offensive (human right violating; privacy invading; risk to public order etc) and as such it should not be published. IF one could prove that the material that Wikileaks receives (and identify its source)is that objectionable then one could argue and seek that a court orders that it should be banned (a highly rare thing) - for the main though as long as there are leakers there will be Wikileaks.

End game:
If there was nothing worth leaking there wouldn't be leaks and leaking is a form scrutiny and freedom of information that is part of our 'information' society. If you want to censure and lock away all the leakers, what next? - will every whistleblower be hounded and every free speech campaigner locked up? This case is much bigger than Assange and hopefully the eventual outcome will address that.

Why I'm no Max Mosley convert



So Roy Greenslade - normally on the money - considers that Lucy Kellaway's encounter with Max Mosley is a pro-Mosley piece. Forgive Mediabeak but I did not read Kellaway's encounter with Mosley as being an epiphany over his right to privacy, rather she portrayed the anguish of a sophisticated and perhaps emotionally detached person in denial of the private side of their life that got them into the headlines in the first place.

His epic and arguably disproportionate battle with the press seems more about a cathartic exercise to prove that the media intrusion into his BDSM (bondage, dominance, sadism, masochism) activities was morally more repugnant than his 'private' activities.

The give-away in Kellaway's piece is that there sits Mosley scanning the web for any mention of him. Will he or has he ever litigated against the reams of column inches that reported on the non BDSM activities he was engaged in or his central role in motor sports or charitable activities - of course not. So what we have here is -as we witnessed with Naomi Campbell - someone who is extremely angry about the media's intrusion into their secret (private) life and who will go to every length to punish the press for exposing their private lives.

Bottom line is - YES - a Campbell (as confirmed by the House of Lords) and Mosley do have a right to a private life BUT that right is not absolute and no more absolute than the media's right to feely express itself and engage in investigative journalism. As Mosley admitted, he's retired (sort of) and has the time and money to pursue his privacy battle (rather than buy himself a superyacht - oh the hardship) BUT the key point is this - Yes, he and others do have a right to 'respect' (as the law puts it) for their personal and family life BUT what happens when they show that same life little or no respect - is hanging with BDSM 'associates' showing respect for ones family? and can one and should one then be able to call on the law to protect oneself when exposed for having disrespected ones loved ones? It could be argued that such action all smacks of hypocrisy and the law is not there to help hypocrites buy or litigate their way out of trouble.

So back to Mosley and his campaign to introduce a law of prior restraint across Europe - well sorry but Mediabeak does NOT hope he is successful in Strasbourg as it would mean a dramatic dent on the whole concept of freedom of expression and doctrine of prior restraint (or there being a lack of prior restraint). It cannot be right that a newspaper or media outlet when in possession of a major exposee or scandal has to inform the object of that exposee or scandal so they have the ability to seek (and pay for) a court order to suspend publication while they come up with their excuses. The bottom line is we need to trust our journalists to check the story (preferably without phone hacking!) pre publication and then expose those who should be eposed.

Back to the law and it is phrased in such a way in the UK - even though we do not have a hallowed Bill of Rights - that there is the doctrine of prior restraint - or as it is also known as - being able to 'publish and be damned' - so that one can publish and air views but if such publication or views prove to be untrue then one is not imune from being sued or otherwise punished.

What media restraining actions such as those proposed by Mosley are seeking to do is to sweep the prying eye of the press under the carpet - this is wrong. The press do not belong under the carpet but need to know how to tread carefully on that carpet to get their story. Prior restraint is always wrong and Mosley has yet to convince that there is true altruism behind his zeal to impose draconian privacy laws on those whose job it is to expose the things that people in the public eye might want hidden but through conduct and time have forefeited their right to have excluded from public scrutiny, Such is the world and if one is intent on going into a dungeon with pvc clad persons then know this - the camera never lies.

On the Meredith Kercher killing movie


There is always a fine balance between informing the public, reporting or presenting a dramatic depiction of events with the aim of stimulating debate and discussion on the one hand - AND - gratuitously exploiting vile crimes and the misery of those touched by them. There have been informative documentaties about crimes, there are drama series about crime investigations (such as the successful CSI franchise) and documentaries - largely factual about other tragic events such as the disappearance of Madeleine McCann. The soon to be released film about the tragic and unsavoury death of Meredith Kercher sits somewhere in between the realms of legitimate subject matter and gratuitous and distressing exploitation of subject matter.

This last week saw the parents of murdered Joanna Yates reach out to the parents of Madeleine McCann, meanwhile - as plastered all over the Sun (and other newspapers)- we had the anguish of Meredith Kercher's parents at a film that seemingly graphically depicts how she was slain - even though the exact detail and truch is still unknown.

Does the public at either an informational or sick entertainment level need such dramatisation - what does it bring to the unresolved circumstances or debate?

What troubles Mediabeak about this film is not the concept or fact of making a film about such a seemingly sinister killing but it is its timing - we have three people in jail and all convicted by criminal courts of the crime of murder. None of them have fully accounted for their whereabouts or actions on the night of the murder and have hidden behind the cloak of mystery which, over time and in absence of a full confession, leaves the link between fact - DNA and other unequivocal evidence - and explanation - what actually happened - linked those facts - explained the story - unanswered. This brings me to the relevancy of the Yates' family empathy towards the McCanns - one might not like the horrific facts surrounding the death of one's child but no matter how horrific, at least they provide an end to the story and explanation. Kate and Gerry McCann continue to live in hope that Madeleine may prove to be one of the rare cases where years later the child turns up again. The Yates, horrific and painful though it is, have the closure that some sick ***** has murdered their daughter (the argument about the quikly framed and then released landlord and how that all came about and was reported is another debate and essay in itself - so hopefully for all concerned the DNA evidence and police have it right now).

Where Mediabeak empathises with the Kerchers is - they have three people in prison having been found guilty of the murder of their daughter but none of the three (in spite of confession, DNA or otherwise) has had the character or the compassion to admit to what really went on and happened that fateful night - the Kerchers still have no closure or understanding as to what actually happened.

What the film provides - aside from unsettling graphic depictions of the killing - is doubt and that doubt is badly timed and not substantively reasoned. Given that Amanda Knox (having moved from 'Foxy Knoxy' to murderer to victim) and her erstwhile boyfriend Raffaele Sollecito are in the process of appealing their sentences and the third player in the strange triumvirate of fate, Rudy Guede has not said much - a film calling into question the whole case yet providing no answers is at best unhelpful and at worst gratuitous. Naturally Mediabeak has not seen it so can't fully comment so is basing this on reasonable assumption.

So Kerchers parents are right to be upset as all they have here is a film that will cash in on the questions and provide no answers.

Italian contempt of court laws are not framed in such a way as to catch the distribution of the film in the wake of a pending appeal but even if they could be engaged they would jurisdictionally limited and the internet would - as it has already done - prove to undo their seeming protection. Similarly in the UK, we already have contempt laws in need of urgent overhaul and were the case being held here one could argue the film to be unhelpful but it would not necessarily qualify as something that created a substantial risk of prejudice - especially at an appeal stage.

So the sad summary position is that the media are cashing in on the Kerchers outrage, the film will be cashing in on the tragic tale of their daughter's death and legally speaking there is little or nothing to offer in this mix. One can only hope that as was the case with Madeleine McCann, has ben the case with Jo Yates and was also the case with Meredith Kercher, that the moral outrage and empathy of the public will in some way compensate for the failings of the justice system and shortcomings of the film and media industries who exploit tragedy for commercial gain.

Mediabeak was uncomfortable with the reporting of the case back in 2008

Judge slashes free speech with clamp-down on jury information initiative

A judge in the US has started what could become a free speech storm by banning people from leafleting jurors in and around the courthouse. A group, calling itself the Fully Informed Jury Association (FIJA), that campaigns for the rights of jurors to be properly informed and not feel pressured – has itself been pressured with a court order banning it from leafleting around courthouses in Orange and Osceola in Florida.

The leaflets did not apparently contain any information or material relating to a specific case being heard, rather they were designed to be a guide on free speech and the integrity of the justice system.

But Chief Judge Belvin Perry took exception to the activities of FIJA and their leaflets and issued an order based to restrict such “expressive conduct and the dissemination of leaflets and other materials containing written information tending to influence summoned jurors as they enter the courthouse is necessary to serve the state's compelling interest in protecting the integrity of the jury system”.

The irony is that his order is being seen as curbing the free expression of those campaigning for the integrity of the jury system. So you have a judge gagging those who encourage jurors to be well informed – and well informed in this context and the context of the leaflets is not seeking to influence cases but making jurors aware of their rights and duties as jurors not to be influenced or feel intimidated.

So Judge Perry having now sought to unduly influence and intimidate FIJA could be faced with a backlash for seeking to prior restrain their First Amendment Right to free speech.

Meanwhile FIJA has reprinted its leaflets and is hitting back at the judge’s out of order Order.

More:
US Constitution
The Chief Judge doesn’t suffer fools it would seem

Sports editor in slammer for scamming employer


A seemingly sorry tale of someone who saw an opportunity to scam their employer - The People newspaper - by pretending that they were paying lots of contributors while lining their own coffers. Though it appears that in this case - apart from paying for a better eductation for their daughter - they were sharing the spoils for the greater good.

While the judge seemed sympathetic to their actions they were nevertheless totally illegal - so time out in the slammer.

More from Guardian

3.2.11

Pub landlady scores goal in fight for foreign football streaming rights


In what could prove to be the undoing of the cartels sporting associations and broadcasters have been running in relation to transmission rights, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) has today released a the view of Advocate General Julianne Kokott, who states that territorial exclusivity agreements relating to the transmission of football matches are contrary to European Law.

What this means: pubs and clubs that currently stream football matches via foreign broadcasters or using foreign decoders may be allowed to do so (but its not a done deal and there is likely to be heavyweight commercial push back against this).

Background to the case: The Football Association Premier League (FAPL) holds the rights to broadcast Premier League matches to broadcasters. It sells these on a country by country (territory) basis so for example, in the UK BSkyB is licensed to broadcast while across Europe other broadcasters may be licensed to screen matches to viewers in their respective territories. In recent years there has been a trend in pubs and clubs plugging into foreign satellites or streaming broadcasts from foreign websites as well as several companies actually going around selling foreign decoders and cards. This naturally caused great displeasure among FAPL and UK broadcasters losing subscriptions.

The UK legal actions: Two cases originating in the UK were referred to the ECJ. The first involved FAPL and suppliers of foreign decoding equipment, the second involved a pub landlady from Portsmouth. We’ll stick to the pub landlady as that makes for a more entertaining read…



The pub landlady gets busted
Karen Murphy is the landlady at a pub called the Red White and Blue in Southsea (near Portsmouth). She didn’t want to pay expensive sports TV subscriptions to Sky Sports (BSkyB) so got hold of another decoder that let her link the TV in her pub to a Greek satellite provided by NOVA under the “LiveS7” channel logo. Job done and her customers were able to watch Premiership football matches – in particular Bolton Wanderers v Tottenham Hotspur and Portsmouth v Bolton Wanderers in August and September of 2006.

Not long after, she was busted by Media Protection Services who specialise in seeking IP enforcement using the criminal sanctions of the Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 (CDPA). Murphy ended up in front of Portsmouth Magistrates Court where she was convicted of “dishonestly receiving a programme included in a broadcasting service provided from a place in the United Kingdom with intent to avoid payment of any charge applicable to the reception of the programme” contrary to section 297(1) of the CDPA. She admitted her actions but was not happy with being prosecuted for them and subsequently appealed to the Crown Court (which dismissed her appeal) and then to the High Court which in 2007 also dismissed her appeal in relation to the IP infringement under CDPA but did so subject to a point of European law. That point was the same one as arose in the other legal action by FAPL against equipment suppliers and resulted in both cases being referred to the ECJ.

Article 81 of the EC Treaty
Art 81 provides “The following shall be prohibited as incompatible with the common market: all agreements between undertakings, decisions by associations of undertakings and concerted practices which may affect trade between Member States and which have as their object or effect the prevention, restriction or distortion of competition within the common market” and specifically where these “directly or indirectly fix purchase or selling prices or any other trading conditions”.

The question before the ECJ
Are the restrictions imposed by the FAPL that limit the licensing of transmission and viewing rights to territories contrary to Art 81?

The knock-on issue for the UK courts
If the license agreements are found to be in breach of Art 81 then should UK/Member State courts be imposing and prosecuting IP infringement where the basis of that infringement is founded on copyright law which if enforced in favour of the rights holder would result in judgments that were supporting rights that run contrary to European Law.

The View of Advocate General Kokott

The key points she notes are:
(1) that European Law does not make it possible to prohibit the live transmission of Premier League football matches in pubs and clubs using foreign decoding cards or equipment.
(2) that the exclusivity rights in question (those currently imposed by FAPL) have the effect of partitioning the internal EU market into separate national markets and this amounts to a serious impairment of the freedom to provide services.
(3) that the contractual restriction on using decoder cards in their State of origin only for domestic and private use, but not for commercial use (which attracts higher subscription charges) also cannot justify a territorial restriction of the freedom to provide services.

Specifically in relation to copyright law she noted:
In relation to the question of whether showing live transmissions of football matches in pubs and clubs infringes the exclusive right of communication to the public of protected (copyright) works within the terms of the Copyright in the Information Society Directive, as EU stands, there are no comprehensive rights that protect the communication of a broadcast to the public where no entrance fee is charged.

She further noted that the application of the principle of the freedom to provide services is also consistent with the Satellite and Cable Directive and with EU competition law generally. Further, the Conditional Access Directive does also not prevent the use of foreign decoder cards in member states.

What next
The view of Advocate Kokott is not the final ruling on the matter but it is persuasive as the European Court of Justice is likely to follow her steer on the issue. BUT it would then be for member states including the UK to follow the direction of the ECJ in the application of domestic laws – in other words – the UK courts would have to align their judgments to this. However, member states could still make their own legislative provisions that allow authors (copyright holders) to object to communication of their works in pubs and clubs.

Implications
If the ECJ delivers a ruling in line with with Kokott's view then this could have far reaching implications for all such agreements - so not just rights in football but other sports such as motor racing, tennis, golf etc. The end effect could be that rights owners have to licence their copyright (such as rights to broadcast the images of sporting events) across the EU as a whole and not be able to segment it into different territories. This would be good news for consumers and in line with the principles of free trade and a shared EU but bad news for rights holders and their revenues. So if it came to that then Mediabeak thinks there would be two responses - first there would be the commercial response and right holders would find other ways of recouping their revenues (so far higher licence fees to offset the segmentation and allow for pan European coverage) and the legislature would need to respond to what is a challenge to various domestic copyright laws and their enforcement. Watch this space!

2.2.11

Privacy law is a mess


All hail the super injunction which alongside the libel tourism visas is among the most undermining constructs to be evolved through and tolerated by the common law system of justice that seeks to weave its way among the various legislative intitiatives or lack of such in recent years.

To PRIVACY laws and one of Mediabeak's greatest irritants namely, neither legislature not judiciary in the UK have sought to properly sort this area of law in recent years. The politicians (probably too fearful of what lay in their respective closets) have had little appetite or understanding of what the legal requiements were, while our judiciary have had eminently learned yet divergent views on how such a law might be applied and how to give effect to that interloping piece of European legislation in the form of the European Convention on Human Rights.

This brings us to today's recurring theme - Celebrities and other cash-rich self-interested parties are using the legal process to protect their commercial interests using what is meant to be a persona related human rights law and our (the UK) courts are increasingly allowing them to do so. This is so wrong and here is why:

Privacy law as is in the UK is based on Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights. This provides for a right to respect for one's personal and family life but it is a defensive right against intrusion by the state (not the tabloid press). The UK after several decades finally got round to introducing the Human Rights Act but this was phrased in the wonderfully cumbersome way that provided - it was unlawful for a public authority to act in a manner that was inconsistent with the European Convention - in other words...public authorities in the UK (or England and Wales to be precise - though similar provision applies in Scots law) have a duty to act in accordance with / give effect to the law of the European Convention. Confused? well you are not alone - what this means is that the European based privacy law is only engaged in the UK where a public body is involved and such body has to ensure that its actions are not 'inconsistent' with the European Convention'.

So if a tabloid paper invades your privacy, the law is only engaged when a court as a public body is called upon to adjudicate over such invasion. OK so there is the PCC code that provides for privacy but it is a self regulatory code and until the legal process is engaged it has minimal power. Bottom line and the contentious point in relation to how privacy law (as such) has developed and been applied in the UK is that IF you have the money to engage lawyers and go to court then the courts have in recent years seemed to be acceptant of and given effect to the right of privacy.

Who has shaped privacy law? two key (and there have been several) cases to single out have been Naomi Campbell and Max Mosley. In the case of Naomi Campbell she had lied about taking drugs and treatment for drug addiction and was exposed in the Mirror. The case went from her winning a privacy action (though it felt more like a defamation based one) to the Mirror winning its point to Naomi reigning supreme on further appeal and all the while running her legal action on a no-win no-fee basis - which has recently been ruled unlawful at a European level. Then - several years later but same principles applying - we had Max Mosely who still secured favour in court after being exposed for his (allegedly) bondage-clad antics.

So what does this all mean and why is it wrong?

Well what we have is a law - of sorts - built up through precedent (i.e. on a case by case basis) - but such cases have been brought by people intent on protecting and preserving their reputation rather than their true privacy. It is perverse that someone can earn $1m+ from a photoshoot for a magazine or bearing all in a magazine and then claim a violation of their privacy if they don't like the picture. We witnessed that legally unsatisfactory case of Zeta Jones and Michael Douglas getting all upset with Hello magazine because the magazine had managed to obtain pictures and published these without being the licensed photographer and publisher (OK! Magazine). So it was OK to sell their wedding 'exclusive' to OK for ca $1m but when Hello managed to get and publish a sneaky peek it was suddenly a violation of privacy.

What all these precious (and to be fair valuable in a commoditised way) celebrities are really after is to monetise, franchsie and leverage their image and then protect that commercially. Well this is where the Beak gets annoyed as while the aims of celebs and others are fair there should be no pretence that their rights vest in ande derive from privacy law. What they are seeking to do is to leverage/trade off their commercial image and this is separate to their human right image and its protection.

Meanwhile people who have genuinely had their privacy violated but are not 'celebrities' (see the case of Geoffrey Peck v UK) don't get a look in.

To the extent it is good that several decades after the introduction of the European Convention the UK is finally realising that there do exist certain rights (including privacy)it has pandered to those with money to litigate and not recognised the core protection and intention behind the Convention to protect the citizens against privacy intrusions by the state.

Recent judgments do however seem to be assessing whether the fact someone is a public figure of itself justifies media coverage. Even though Naomi Campbell had lied about taking drugs and the British newspaper The Mirror exposed her for this, the top UK court, the House of Lords still held (by majority) that she was still entitled to some privacy. The fact the paper was exposing her lies did not allow it ‘access all areas’ to her life and treatment for drug addiction.
This is especially the case when it comes to unofficial, non-contentious or private business. The European Court of Human Rights has also placed constraints on what can be published about public figures when engaged in private activities:
“The Court considers that a fundamental distinction needs to be made between reporting facts – even controversial ones – capable of contributing to a debate in a democratic society relating to politicians in the exercise of their functions, for example, and reporting details of the private life of an individual who, moreover, as in this case, does not exercise official functions. While in the former case the press exercises its vital role of “watchdog” in a democracy by contributing to “impart[ing] information and ideas on matters of public interest… it does not do so in the latter case. Similarly, although the public has a right to be informed, which is an essential right in a democratic society that, in certain special circumstances, can even extend to aspects of the private life of public figures, particularly where politicians are concerned this is not the case here…. because the published photos and accompanying commentaries relate exclusively to details of the applicant's private life.”*
*Hannover v Germany [2004] ECHR 294 at para. 63-64

It is however important to note that such cases are brought by and concern public figures or wealthier ‘A’ List celebrities who have a reputation and status worth litigating over. So ‘big ticket’ subjects are becoming harder and riskier to target. This has led to the media being forced to go down-market in search of headline or programme fodder whose excitement at being headlined is likely to exceed their desire and ability to litigate over any adverse coverage they receive.
The result is that the media is serving up a menu of junk food to a ‘dumbed down’ less discerning and less critical public. The proliferation of media content and mechanism for its delivery has turned it into a fast food commodity. People don’t have to rely on any one source for their information or entertainment. Quantity comes ahead of quality. Quality journalism and news programmes cost more than gossip columns or reality TV shows. A quick glance at the front pages or tv schedules on any given day sees the trials and tibulations of ‘no hopers’ grappling in some jungle or on some dancefloor trump the less surreal and more real actuality of political, social or economic analysis.

Commercial pressure on the media to deliver profit-yielding front pages is shifting the emphasis from (ethically pure) substantiated stories to the less neutral and, in its disregard for the consequences to a person’s privacy or reputation, less responsible journalism.

What is clear is that what is intended to be a human right is being abused by celebrities to try to construct some kind of image or commercial right which is totally at odds with what the human rights laws are for.

So the deeper the pockets the more the protection celebrities and others can buy to protect their nefarious antics. This is not privacy law at work but an example of a legal system that is complicit in giving effect to cash rich litigants. Its time to separate and create a law (which arguably already exists in the form of copyright law) that provides for the commercial exploitation of images from the important and true protection of an individual's right to their own life and space.

The problem is that celebrities and others will open their doors to a $1m photoshoot one minute and then claim privacy breach the next. The legal system should not be there to uphold such double dealing and cash generating values. Where someone commoditises and trades off their image they can't and shouldn't be allowed to use the pictures they might not like to claim their privacy has been violated.

The rules: sell your story and your body to the press then don't expect it to be private property. Misbehave when you have gone on record talking about your good behaviour then don't be surprised when you get caught out. To the extent a clebrity or anyone seeks to exploit or profit from their image then they cannot use the same constructs and legal provisions to complain about how such exploitation is perceived.

Telegraph: Celebrities use their status to protect their image

Mexican to sue Motormouth


It was the Hamster aka Richard Hammond who pipped Jeremy Clarkson to the post in the latest Top Gear offensiveness ratings (though why people watch the show and then complain about the fact it is not nice about their trashy cars or generally rude about females and foreigners may seem a mystery - its like watching a porn channel and complaining that it is depraved) - except the BBC and Ofcom do have some rules that are designed to prevent public sector broadcasters from beaming out potentially offensive remarks such as - in this case - branding Mexicans as "lazy, feckless, flatulent and fat" (as opposed to the average hard working, energetic, never-farting, athletic countryfolk - where?).

Anyway, while the Hamster thought he was out-quipping his mates he did in fact attract the wrath of several non-flatulent Mexicans and in particular a student who has seen or persuaded to see this as a suitable new test case for the new but not yet fully in force Equality Act.

What is interesting here - irrespective of whether you are a middle aged, middle class, white motorist or an outraged Mexican - is that it could prove (if it ever gets beyond a positioned headline) a test case for the new reaches and effectiveness of the Equality Act. The statement that a whole nation or race are 'feckless' or 'flatulent' may be offensive but it is not enough to engage defamation laws as it does not (beyond a whole nation) identify an individual who could personally be defamed. The new Equality Act (once it is fully in force and understood) however holds the yet to be explored provision relating to discrimination by a public body. Now then, the BBC is a public body and if it broadcasts content that can be deemed to be discriminatory then it could well fall foul of the Equality Act.

Beyond the excitement of the headlines which will be serving both Top Gear and outraged Mexicans well, there is the question as to whether in allowing the broadcast of the offending material, the BBC was actually and actively discriminating against an identifiable person or persons.

The other and related point here is to what extent is it permissable to allow/include a certain amount of outrage or morally/politically correct latitude in the editorial process to facilitate a boost in ratings? People don't rush to read dull headlines or watch sanitised TV. There will always be someone out there who takes exception to something but when the exception becomes the story then both sides sell out and the loser is the underlying principle that may have been at stake.

More from Guardian
Racism on TV - we've been there before - ANALYSIS

PCC says East Kilbride News expenses story was misleading


It was hardly the biggest transgression in the list of questionable MP's expenses claims (no wallpaper, garden landscaping, moats, second homes) but the East Kilbride News had suggested that local MP Michael McCann had pocketed £1,150 in hotel bills (so obviously not bedding down with Lenny Henry at Premier Inn then) while at the same time having a rented property in London. Not so it would seem as Mr McCann was only slumming it in a hotel until he found a flat and in adjudicating that "the claim in the article could have misled readers into believing that the claims for hotel bills and rent were made concurrently, rather than consecutively" the PCC found that the East Kilbride News had been misleading.

Please read on...the exciting part of this example of self-regulatory scrutiny comes next - while the paper published the PPC adjudication with due prominence (rather than burying it deep inside a readers' comment page) the PCC bared its dentures and declared that in publishing the adjudication over its misdemeanour the paper had "made some minor amendments to the text and failed to publish a proper reference to the PCC in the headline". Naughty East Kilbride News which,as a result, republished the adjudication in full today.

So while this may seem trivial to some it is nevertheless an example of a published inaccuracy that breaches Clause 1 of the PCC Code

1.2.11

When Hardeep took on the Maharaj: Big win but big fee


It was a principled stand by Hardeep Singh when he wrote what proved to be his offending article in the Sikh Times back in 2007 in which he accused the self proclaimed Indian religious figure known as His Holiness Sant Baba Jeet Singh Ji Maharaj of being a less than genuine person who it could be claimed was linked to a religious 'cult' (that's with an 'l' Mr Paxman).

The evil Maharaj (sorry that was in Moulin Rouge)- correction, His Holiness Ji Maharaj used the much maligned and welcoming pastures of England's libel tourism grounds to instigate libel proceedings against Hardeep. The Sikh Times rushed out an apology and so the focus was on Hardeep (or Hardup if he lost - apologies but it was too tempting a gag) to stand up to this latest blatant abuse of legal process.

Libel tourism explainer: the courts of England & Wales (in practice the High Court and Court of Appeal in London) have procedurally and in successive judgments(though admittedly not all - see Jameel v Dow Jones) embraced and entertained legal actions brought by non UK nationals in the UK (English) courts against not just UK but also foreign nationals. So we had the Wall Street Journal (US) sued by the Jameel brothers (Saudi) or Roman Polanski (in exile in France) being allowed to testify by video link into an English court (video link so he couldn't be arrested for sexual offences and extradited from the UK to the US).... need one say more.

So back to Hardeep and he, valliantly or optimistically, thought it was time to make a stand against this nonsense and take on the Maharaj.

What is interesting (amongst the many aspects) in this case is that the much maligned CFA is (courtesy of the media terminators at Carter Ruck) enabled Hardeep to push back against the existing ludicrous loophole in our laws. The second point to note is - what is seemingly set to land the moral (though not immediately or necessarily) the financial ball in Hardeep's court - namely the procedural requirement that can be engaged that requires litigants to make a costs payment into court before they continue their touristic exploits.

It seems as if the Maharaj's coffers may not extend to making such a payment and in absence of that the case will be thrown out of the Court of Appeal and Hardeep will win. This may however prove to be a proverbially Pyrrhic victory if the costs to date cannot be collected from the Maharaj through the Indian legal system. Nevertheless, one has to say hats (or turbans) off to Hardeep for making what is a necessary stand against a blatantly wrong system which will hopefully give the current legislators food for thought when they overhaul (through the Libel Reform Bill) the ailing statute book that is letting both litigants and lawyers down.

More on this from The Independent

FT Editor: Media needs to clean up its act


FT Editor Lionel Barber delivered a stimultating (once it got past the history of the FT bit) talk at the London College of Communication's annual Hugh Cudlipp lecture. Drawing on but not gloating over fellow journalists phone hacking activities and citing the wikileaks phenomenon and controversy, he made a number of points which collectively all underpinned one message - the collective media (for no one is blameless and immune) needs to get its house in order and find a balance between its commercial masters and traditional journalistic values and ethics, otherwise - if not already - the legislature and hacked off politicians (lobbied by hacked off corporates and 'celebrities') will move to saddle the media with some unwelcome laws that result in constraints rather than regulation.

While specifically addressing current issues such as wikileaking and hacking, the broader challenge for the media lies in balancing the incresing demand for content with the requirement for real, reliable and researched news as opposed to recylcled stories or sensationalist packaging of minimal facts. The challenge to the media is to regain control over the integrity and quality of its reporting and wider output and stem the rot that has manifested itself in the phone hacking scandal and general rush to fill space (whether online, on air or in print) with endless content that sells.

There is enormous pressure on editors and media management to deliver streamlined or 'converged' output and solutions but Mediabeak would argue that the economic and technological drivers behind current convergence in the industry is going to result in what the Beak would term ‘content burnout’ – the public will tire of recycled and reformatted content of little consequence.

While convergence is normally associated with the broadcast and online sectors of the media, it is having equal impact on the print sector. The meeting place for both broadcast and print is the online environment. While the print press is reformatting itself and merging print and online operations, broadcasters are exploring the market for online and tv on demand as well as UGC.

Convergence is bringing about consolidation at a corporate level and consequently at the point and mode of delivery. The next step will be a consolidation of content. At present we have a vast and fragmented market. Take a close look at the core businesses in that market and one can see that newspaper circulation is in decline (ref stats) and ratings figures are being diluted and yielding to online viewing. The consumers who have seemingly ‘dumbed down’ and who are paying premium prices for repackaged content or sporting events they used to see for free will eventually wise up.

As with other industries where markets have become oversaturated with supply, there will be a flight to quality. Consumers will tire of junk food and go in search of the fresh and organic option. But with the market so full how will they determine where to shop? This is the question media organisations should be asking themselves now. As with other consumable goods, the public will look for content and brands they can trust. Such trust will be born out of brand strength – which will favour larger public sector broadcasters such as the BBC or popular commercial organisations such as Sky or other cable and satellite broadcasters in the UK or globally. It will also grow from trust in the actual content any given outlet delivers – at this level the marketplace is open for large and small organisations alike as niche blogs share their global platform with the biggest media players.
So for those who may seek and enjoy a short-term gain from the debasement of their trade there is a clear warning – the public might be taken in by the headlines but the enduring message will reside in the manner and method of their delivery

Read Lionel Barber's lecture - courtesy of The Guardian

31.1.11

Football Shagging Orders


Are judicial gagging orders - or as they should be called: Shagging Orders - a natural development of our privacy laws or are they merely a pay as you go way of stopping the press reporting on footballers (and others - such as golfers) who play away as they go?

In the latest round of the footballer known only as 'JIH' whatever that may stand for or not and his away games with YY from his partner XX as exposed by ZZ - he was today successful in convincing the Court of Appeal that it should uphold his appeal against a decision by High Court judge Mr Justice Tugendhat that his anonymity could be revealed. So is it right that those busy sportspeople should get to keep the press from publishing details of their away games?

Riding the wave of recent judicial moves to pull together and uphold some kind of privacy law, JIH and others have been successful in persuading some of their lordships that no matter what they have been up to (as Max Mosley went to lengths to demonstrate) they deserve to have whatever private life they choose. This is supported by the underlying human right to privacy which derives from the European Convention on Human Rights (Article 8) as given effect to in the UK via the Human Rights Act. The interesting thing with the law is that it creates a right of privacy vis a vis the state and not necessarily News Group Newspapers or other media outlets. In fact to engage privacy protection one has to go to court and persuade a judge as a public body/servant that they have a duty under the law to ensure that people's right to privacy is upheld/protected. So without access to or the funds to pocket a well versed privacy lawyer to bang on the court door, there is no automatic right to guard against privacy intrusion.

The media has its PCC Code or Ofcom broadcast codes to prescribe what the respective parts of the media should be doing in relation to privacy but these get balanced against the self-proclaimed job of the press - particularly tabloids - to expose philandering footballers (and others). Similarly in terms of law, the European Convention also provides for the right to free speech that offers some press freedoms, albeit not absolute ones.

So this brings us to the question at issue - to what extent should protecting footballers private lives be an automatic right they qualify for and the courts should uphold when pitched against the public's right to know and the press' right to report on their morally questionable antics?

Armed with the right lawyers at the right price our shagging sportsmen are managing to buy their way out of trouble but as long as the rules of the game - in the case of the law - those of privacy - remain dependent on which judge or judges are sitting in which court and interpreting their human rights laws on any given day - this latest round in the JIH case may prove less decisive in the long term. We have yet to address the rights of JIH's ZZ to her freedom of expression - why should she not be able to talk about her life and JIH's involvement with it?

The jury's still out (not that one has them in privacy cases) but if one did they probably would be and there are very likely more John Terry's or Colin Montgomeries out there to test they sytem and challenge the desirability and effectiveness of the super injunction.

27.1.11

Is our press failing us?


The time has come to work with the media to define its role rather than seek tougher measures to control its excesses.

We are told that journalism is in crisis and our tabloids are running amok. That responsible journalism is being replaced by sensationalistic headlines and reporting. People, notably celebrities, increasingly claim that their privacy is being invaded. The number of successful defamation actions brought against the press is on the up, with the defence of qualified privilege all but having been abolished. Successive Attorney Generals have found it necessary to issue repeated cautions to the press when it comes to contempt. The public are buying less papers, yet people are demanding more news. So what has gone wrong and whose fault is it?

Well to some the answer is clear. Several politicians and judges suggest there should be stricter editorial and other controls over the media. Tabloid editors are irresponsible, look at that former Mirror editor Morgan chappy (earning millions on american TV) and those ‘fake’ torture pictures, or the Sun and its various campaigns against ‘hoodies’ or gypsies. However the fact and truth of the matter is far from clear and that is where the problem lies. The shameless use of an inquiry to smokescreen what was a state-led assault on the media harbours serious implications for the democratic process and freedom of expression. Did we ever find out beyond reasonable doubt that the photographs that Morgan allowed to be published in the Mirror were fake or staged? The issue they exposed was very real and the year after they were published and the story exposed, several soldiers were court martialed for the crimes the pictures and story had exposed.

It’s very easy to say the press or the wider media has got it wrong and is responsible for the moral degradation of our society but who ever said they were responsible for society or defined the scope of that which should be printed? What often gets left behind in debate about media content is the spectre of commercialisation. The modern media and press are businesses with shareholders, employees, turnover and profits. They happen to deliver news but it would be unfair and unrealistic to assume that they should put commercial considerations to one side when deciding what to print. So unless the press subscribe to a mutual moratorium over sensationalistic headlines we can safely assume these will continue to be used to sell papers. The problem is that the press is part of the democratic process but it is also part of the commercial world and a sector that contributes to the GDP of this country. It therefore has to respond to both societal and commercial pressure. In relation to the latter, convergence, competition and an online, on-demand, 24-7 media means that times are tough and the press needs to fight hard for its slice of the action and part of the profits.

In relation to the press as part of the democratic process and its duty to society, Guardian editor Alan Rusbridger has in the past referred to the “quiet understanding” that used to exist of what newspapers were for. That understanding has been lost in our modern, competitive, high-tech and accelerated living age. To the extent that the press can be seen as responsible for lowering the moral fabric of society with their headlines of death and destruction or sex and sensation, society is itself to blame for providing the stories that lie beneath these headlines.

So if we are going to reserve the right to criticise the press we first need to redefine its role. Dialogue, debate and proper scrutiny are what’s called for rather than tougher regulation or censorship. The rules and laws that are in place can be made to work, the confusion that arises concerns their application as much as anything else. Here too, it is a consistent approach that seems to be lacking and this is down to the fact that there is varied consensus as to what this should be. There needs to be a far greater level of engagement with the press and media over what it is there for and what it should deliver. A competitive and diverse media market has led to fragmentation whereby people mix and match their sources as they grab news on the go. The result is that for many, they will know more about which celebrity has had a boob job than what’s in the political parties’ manifestos for the forthcoming election. It would take the politician being the one with the boob job to guarantee that the manifesto makes the front page.

Not just media professionals, their advisers and academics but the public at large have a duty to engage in debate and inform themselves and the media about what they want from their press. Like any other business, editors are busy getting their product out the door and will continue to follow the supply and demand chain that is reflected in the current news agenda. If we want to alter that chain then we need to define our demands. Like any other business, it’s not fair to criticise the supplier when we haven’t specified what we want. The way ahead and to answer Alan Rusbridger’s call it to set up a centre and forum that will facilitate this debate and allow press, public, academics, lawyers, financiers and politicians to proactively place the press under scrutiny and come up with some answers to the issues of the day.

If we want the press to report something different then we need to make better news for them to report and that starts here and now.

Are media ethics in a mess?


Of course media ethics are in a mess but in no more of a mess than the ethics of the society about which the media reports.

Writing in the Guardian, Simon Jenkins sets the scene for the current debate about what many see as this terrible media beast that is corrupting our society.

While not condoning all the media's excesses, especially where there has been political or unduly commerical collusion (you know who you are), Mediabeak would argue that the media is no more running amok than the society it reports on and is as much the victim of the laws that are supposed to regulate it as its victims.
(1) There is a disconnect between what society wants to consume and its technological ability to consume it and what it wants its media to deliver.
(2) To be viable journalism has to be embedded in a business and as such is susceptible to commercial drivers.
(3) The commercial drivers are geared towards what consumers will read +/or pay for and not what might be ethically or journalistically justifiable content but is nowdays content that sells.
(4) It is hypocrytical of society to malign the media while at the same time wanting to consume the content it maligns.
(5) The laws - not least privacy and defamation - need to be revised from a regulatory and guiding principles perspective rather than a knee-jerk censory approach - problem is that an absence of legislative appetite to tackle this has resulted in random haphazard case-by-case law that ultimately serves no one - albeit that some dodgy 'celebrities' or sports bosses get big payouts for being caught in the act or commented on.

Its time for some proper dialogue to reach a sensible consensus on how to balance the opportunities and risks posed by mass communication consumption available to all and create some realistic rules that protect the public, guide the media but don't pander to those who rightfully get caught in the act of wrongdoing.

While phone tapping may be considered wrong and illegal - to the extent it exposes wrongdoing and illegality it is exposing an end that may be more illegal and morally more repugnant than the means of exposing it. So, tapping into and knowing what is happening in the personal life of a tv personality suffering from botox overexposure is wrong while using similar means to expose corruption amongst elected politicians in relation to public finances or misrepresentations as to the true need to go to war are, arguably, are more readily defensible and under current legislation not necesarily illegal.

24.1.11

Its time for change - libel, contempt, privacy + more posting from the Beak


OK so its been a while but that's because the Beak has actually been too busy working to blog - sigh. Yes but even the demigod of IP Blogger Lawrence Lessig had to wind down his blog the other year because of too much life and work going on - though he's probably even more important and got even more important work on than the Beak...anyway for those of you out there who do tune in the Beak is back and from end January (and maybe before) there will be daily postings and added resources on this site.

For anyone reading- feedback would be appreciated - I can chuck on lots of links and digest what's happening out there in the media legal world but I can also offer my own flavour of informed commentary on what it all means - so if you want more comment and less links let me know!

SO what's the media law scene in 2011?

Well it has come to pass that what so many of our top media lawyers and pundits like the Beak have been saying for years - the laws that have been hobbling along and been patched together on a case by case basis have finally been recognised as found wanting.

Contempt of court laws were framed at a time before society had embraced moblie phones and more than 4 news channels and are certainly not equipped to deal with 24/7 news and global internet access from all manner of outlets, not least your phone. So we have seen the press on a feeding frenzy over the tragic and troubling Yeates murder case - first it was the landlord and now - it is alleged - a Dutch national who according to press reports today seemed to fully understand the remand proceedings he was involved in. Some papers and broadcasters didn't immediately identify who this person was while others had him on the front page. Sky's Martin Brunt poses the spot-on question - given who's behind bars now, what of the landlord who had been placed squarely (but as it transpired unfairly) in the frame for the crime? In recent years we have seen successive Attorney Generals throw their gavel out the pram over the media's 'excesses' or as may otherwise be interpreted, desire to get to the truth. We had radio presenters censured for inviting listenters to text or call in to decide if the Soham murderer Huntley was guilty - before he was actually convicted..though the majority of those who participated in that misconceived survey did get the answer right. We then moved on to speculation over whether premiership footballers had indeed raped some unsuspecting girl at a top London hotel - case dropped for lack of evidence (though there was plenty of newspaper coverage for several days). While the (state sponsored) lawyers have got upset at the media the most worrying failings of contempt laws have been their ability to unduly gag the press. When one has a political machine in power that seeks to manipulate laws which they complain are out of date and being abused by the media to their own ends through using them to suppress legitimate comment, then that - in the Beak's view - is far more serious. We have witnessed cases where contempt laws and official secrets law were used to intimidate the press by seeking to rely on a provision that mere receipt of information that could contravene a law was of itself a crime and we have seen the rise (and hopefully soon fall) of that tenuous legal device - aka the 'super injunction'. So all in all - why do contempt laws need an overhaul - not - as many would argue - because we have a power-crazed, overly commercial, sensationalist and blood-thirsty press - BUT because our press and the public need to be protected from the power-crazed and keen to suppress politicians and because the public, society and technology and communication have moved on such that we need laws that are less patronising and more prescriptive of what the reality of the situation is and acutally protect the core principles and procedures that contempt laws were originally designed to protect. It is time for change but that should not be one-sided change. We need to protect the political process and the media from themselves and each other to preserve a forum in which justice has the space and time to be done and is given the respect to operate.

To libel law and here we have seen a mixed bag of some people getting a seemingly unfair kicking in the press while at the same time also seen a disproportionate level of punishment over 'media excesses' - or cases where the media has not given sufficient right of reply or been 'sensitive' enough to the people whose reputation they were diminishing. To be fair, in several cases the press have pushed it and taken the proverbial to get the headline but there have been plenty others where one has to ask whether a desription of a person's actions (in football employment related decisions) is really worthy of such a heavy penalty. We have also seen the much maligned but until recently still tolerated libel tourism and associated forum shopping. We had Saudi businesspersons sue US concerns in the English courts - no problem. Meanwhile we allowed others to tesitfy via video link from exile to pursue an action against the press in the UK - why video link - so they wouldn't get arrested in deported if they came to town...how does that work? - well they came a cropper when they visited a less ridiculous country than the UK. Anyway the cases to rant about are too many - just do need to drop in the name Sheridan and then move on though - but the good news is that our coalition PM, the DC and his chums are now committed to libel law reform and it is no longer a topic for conjecture but as a term is actually something that is - we are led to believe - happening.

As for privacy law - where to start...as predicted not just by the Beak but more compellingly by several senior judiciary, if the UK didn't sort out its privacy law then there would end up being a hap-hazard law that lurched from case to case creating judge made (iatrogenic - been looking for an excuse to use this word for ages) law. This is exactly what happened and we saw a raft of ridculous patchwork judgments courtesy of Naomi Campbell, Douglas Zeta Jones, the English Royal Family and several other 'celebrities' through to the bondage clad scenes depicting the alleged activities of a Max Mosley. So the debate ended with our most senior judges having to decide that drug taking models deserved to be left alone as did high profile motor racing sport bosses with interesting ancestors, even where they did have addictions or engaged in sessions with miss whiplashes and denied it. THANKFULLY the European Court of Human Rights has ended the CFA party that celebrities and their lawyers were abusing but there is still much tidying up needs to be done before the UK courts and legal system's management of privacy is in any just and intelligible shape.

So there we have a few pointers for the months ahead and the Beak will be analysing and commenting on the progress of these issues but also wider world and legal events...we're not done on lying about WMD yet and there is still a need to revisit areas such as access to family courts and the use and credibility of expert witnesses. Among all that there will certainly be some footballers or other sports 'personalities' and lower alphabet list 'celebrities' who will provide further tests for the law and excuse to comment over the coming months. And that's just the UK...so watch this space and do contribute.